Can American Civil Religion Be Evangelical?

The Evidence in Recent Presidential Speeches

Robert Traer

It is obvious that presidents (as well as other elected officials) use religious language in their public statements. It is less clear, however, what this means, both for those using such language and for those hearing it. To consider the meanings in the religious language of recent presidents, I have read the inaugural addresses and state of the union speeches of Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush.

Based on my reading of these documents, I suggest the religious language used in these public statements may be characterized as:

• Quotes from the Bible, either from the Old Testament or from the New Testament.
• Allusions to the Bible that use biblical language or images or refer to stories in scripture.
• Statements expressing a faith in America that has been called American civil religion.
• Comments concerning religious leaders, their institutions, and their religious activities.
• Words or statements with ambiguous religious meanings, which I call "code words."

Examples of civil religion include statements about God blessing America and evoking faith in the American dream, prayers for America and her people, praise for the spirit of the American people, and gratitude for our land expressed in phrases using religious images such as "beloved country" or "blessed land."

By religious "code words" I mean religious words that seem to have been chosen to convey a meaning to a parochial audience that differs from the apparent meaning of the word for the larger audience. Such code words work at two levels. They affirm for the general listener the theme of American civil religion, but communicate to evangelicals a set of Christian meanings that have not part of our tradition of civil religion.

Code words might involve references to scripture, but I distinguish them by what appears to be their purpose of communicating different meanings to different audiences. For instance, the image of an angel in a whirlwind used by President George W. Bush in his 2001 inaugural address is likely to be understood by the general reader as a reference to God’s providential care or purpose for our nation, which is a central concept in American civil religion. For evangelical Christians, however, the image has an apocalyptic meaning about the coming end of time, the final judgment of God, and the salvation offered only through Jesus Christ.

I will show that all these presidents in their inaugural and state of the union addresses have used images from American civil religion. Some of them have quoted from the Bible, and more of them have used allusions from scripture. Beginning with Ronald Reagan, however, these presidential addresses have also included references to specific religious persons, institutions, and issues. In addition, Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Bill Clinton, and now George W. Bush have used code words, I believe, to speak to the politically active evangelical Christian constituency in a way that has largely gone unnoticed by others. These last four presidents have significantly altered the character of presidential religious language.

We cannot know the motives, but it is safe to assume that these presidents, and those who wrote their speeches, were trying to appeal to their listeners for support. Surely, the language used in these speeches was carefully considered. Therefore, the new uses of religious language in the speeches of Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush may best be understood not as reflecting personal quirks or spiritual passions, but as strategic attempts to gather support from a divided American people. Our last four presidents have made a direct appeal in their inaugural and state of the union addresses to evangelical Christians. Moreover, to do this they have also used code words with special meanings for evangelicals, presumably so other Americans, who might not appreciate this appeal to the evangelical constituency, would hear in these speeches only the invocation of traditional themes from our American civil religion.

These changes in presidential language are of enormous consequence, not only for addressing the issues that bitterly divide Americans, but also for the tradition of civil religion that may have kept our fragile ship of state afloat during the storms of the past two and a half centuries.

Richard Nixon
Gerald Ford
Jimmy Carter
Ronald Reagan
George Bush
Bill Clinton
George W. Bush
Conclusions

Richard Nixon

The two inaugural addresses delivered by Richard Nixon are rich in religious images. In 1969 he refers to God six times. He quotes Franklin Delano Roosevelt as saying the nation’s troubles, "concern, thank God, only material things." He affirms we are "all are born equal in dignity before God," and he says he has taken his oath of office "in the presence of God." He speaks of seeing the world from space "as God sees it," and of astronauts invoking "God's blessing" on the earth because of "its goodness," before urging the American people to be "sustained by our confidence in the will of God."

This language is clearly within the mainstream of American civil religion, but other phrases reflect a personal piety less commonly voiced in political discourse. Nixon says, "We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit." And he asserts: "To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit." He says, "we can build a great cathedral of the spirit," and that we should listen to "the better angels of our nature." This latter phrase is given as a quote and may refer to the Bible, but no specific citation is given. Similarly, he says, as "riders on the earth together," we should "go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose." The words "faith" and "steadfast" certainly have religious resonance, and the phrase "riders on the earth together" is presented as a quote, although no attribution is given and the phrase is not obviously biblical.

In his 1973 inaugural address Nixon adheres more closely to the mainstream of civil religion. He affirms "the God-given right of every American to full and equal opportunity," and of renewing "our faith in ourselves and in America." He says we shall "answer to God" as well as to history and that Congress itself has been "hallowed by history." He concludes, "I ask your prayers that in the years ahead I may have God's help in making decisions that are right for America, and I pray for your help so that together we may be worthy of our challenge." And his final statement is: "Let us go forward from here confident in hope, strong in our faith in one another, sustained by our faith in God who created us, and striving always to serve His purpose."

The state of the union speeches given by Nixon contain less religious language than his inaugural addresses. In 1970 he refers only once to God, but uses the word "spiritual" three times. He speaks of "the goodness and grace of the human spirit," and then affirms that "an indefinable spirit -- the lift of a driven dream…has made America, from its beginning, the hope of the world." He reinforces this theme by referring to America’s "spiritual quality" and "spiritual idealism" and "spiritual and moral leadership." For Nixon, the words "spirit" and "spiritual" are central to his understanding of what the American dream is all about.

In 1971 he says, "we have gone through a long, dark night of the American spirit," but that now "we must let our spirits soar again" for "we are ready for the lift of a driving dream." And he says the United States can "enter its third century as a young nation new in spirit." In the next three years, however, we find almost no religious imagery in his state of the union speeches. In 1972 Nixon simply refers to "the conscience of the Nation," and in 1974 he affirms that the United States can move toward peace "with the help of God."

Gerald Ford

Because he was sworn in as president after the resignation of Richard Nixon, Gerals Ford did not give an inaugural address. But as president he delivered a state of the union speech to Congress three times. The first is without religious language, and his comments in 1976 and 1977 contain only a few religious images. In his bicentennial address he says: "I have heard many inspiring Presidential speeches, but the words I remember best were spoken by Dwight D. Eisenhower. ‘America is not good because it is great,’ the President said. ‘America is great because it is good.’" To this Ford adds, "President Eisenhower was raised in a poor but religious home in the heart of America. His simple words echoed President Lincoln's eloquent testament that ‘right makes might.’ And Lincoln in turn evoked the silent image of George Washington kneeling in prayer at Valley Forge." Ford concludes the 1976 speech by affirming, "In God We Trust."

In his 1977 speech he reminds the country that our constitutional system is "under God," and concludes with, "Good night. God bless you." Before he ends, however, he offers this prayer: "May God guide this wonderful country, its people, and those they have chosen to lead them. May our third century be illuminated by liberty and blessed with brotherhood, so that we and all who come after us may be the humble servants of thy peace. Amen." All of this language is clearly in the mainstream of American civil religion.

Jimmy Carter

Early in his 1977 inaugural address Jimmy Carter quotes Micah 6:8. "He hath showed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God." Carter ends with a hope that after his time as President people might say about our nation, "that we had remembered the words of Micah and renewed our search for humility, mercy, and justice," among other things. The emphasis on humility and mercy in this biblical quote echoes Ford’s words about being "humble servants" of God’s peace, and reflects Carter’s personal faith as well as the way he conducted himself as president.

Also in his 1977 address Carter affirms, "Two centuries ago our Nation's birth was a milestone in the long quest for freedom, but the bold and brilliant dream which excited the founders of this Nation still awaits its consummation." After lifting up this familiar image of the American dream, he says, "I have no new dream to set forth today, but rather urge a fresh faith in the old dream." America, he suggests, "was the first society openly to define itself in terms of both spirituality and of human liberty." Then Carter urges people to pray together for the unity of the nation, and he appeals for "individual sacrifice" for the sake of the common good. He uses the phrase "new spirit" four times (once as "new national spirit") in his message, and he concludes by affirming "our belief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream."

In his first state of the union address in 1978 Carter again speaks of a "new spirit." He reaffirms his faith in the American people, and he says the American dream is "to ensure economic justice, to advance human rights, to resolve conflicts without violence, and to proclaim in our great democracy our constant faith in the liberty and dignity of human beings everywhere." He refers to America as our "beloved community," using a phrase made famous by Martin Luther King, Jr., and concludes by reminding his listeners that "the Bible says, we can move mountains."

In his 1979 address Carter does not repeat his appeal for a "new spirit," but twice refers to America as the "beloved community." He speaks of the need to "regain the public's faith" and of "the duty of our generation of Americans…to renew our Nation's faith, not focused just against foreign threats but against the threats of selfishness, cynicism, and apathy." All this language is in the mainstream of the civil religion tradition of American public discourse.

In addition, Carter occasionally uses biblical allusions that reflect his personal piety. He says government, among other accomplishments, "has fed the hungry," which reminds the Christian reader of many New Testament passages. He also says that a renewal of American values will need to include not only words such as "justice," "equality," "unity," "truth," "sacrifice," and "liberty," but also "faith" and "love." Those familiar with the New Testament will hear in these words Paul’s statement in 1 Corinthians 13:13 that the gifts of the Spirit are faith, hope and love.

Because Carter publicly identifies himself as a born-again Christian, it is particularly interesting that his last two state of the union addresses are almost devoid of religious imagery. In his 1980 speech he mentions the need for a "new spirit" of unity in America, and in 1981 he evokes the example of Martin Luther King, Jr. As the first openly evangelical Christian president in the latter part of the twentieth century, Carter is surprisingly restrained in his public statements. At least in these major documents, Carter never says, as most of his successors will, either "God bless you," or "God bless America."

Ronald Reagan

Ronald Reagan is considerably less restrained. In his two inaugural addresses, he does not quote from the Bible, but he freely uses the imagery of American civil religion. In his 1981 address he says, "We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free." He concludes this address by asking for "God’s help" and by saying to all the Americans listening, "God bless you." In his second inaugural address he twice refers to "one nation under God," and he begins and ends the address with the phrase, "God bless you." He refers to God as the "Author" of the American dream, and claims that God has placed this dream for freedom in our hearts. He offers a prayer for a deceased member of Congress, and he prays for peace. By 1980, he says, "we knew it was time to renew our faith…in individual freedom," and he concludes with the familiar words, "God bless America."

His first state of the union speech is also rich in civil religious imagery. He quotes George Washington as saying the "sacred fire of liberty" has been entrusted to the American people, and he explicitly uses the phrase "faith in" three times in endorsing the American people and the leadership that America deserves. He also uses the word "spirit" in three different phrases: "a new spirit of partnership," "the volunteer spirit," and "the spirit of American heroism." In this address, however, he only once says "God bless America."

Reagan’s second state of the union speech has only a single reference to God, a "God bless you." But his 1984 state of the union address returns to the themes of American civil religion. He says that the American dream means "keeping faith with the mighty spirit of free people under God," and that America is "one nation under God." He also asserts: "America was founded by people who believed that God was their rock of safety. He is ours. I recognize we must be cautious in claiming that God is on our side, but I think it's all right to keep asking if we're on His side."

This statement is preceded by an appeal to allow children in public schools to acknowledge God in prayer and followed by an attack on the decision by the Supreme Court to permit the abortion of unborn children. Throughout the remainder of his presidency Reagan will return again and again to these two issues, which are of great concern to the evangelical Christians who supported him.

In this inaugural Reagan says "God bless you" twice and "God bless America" once, and speaks of coming "together in faith and friendship." He quotes Carl Sandburg as saying, "I see America in the crimson light of a rising sun fresh from the burning, creative hand of God." In addition, he uses a phrase with special resonance for his Christian listeners, who know their Bible: "We finished the race; we kept them free; we kept the faith." Reagan does not say where this comes from in the Bible, but many Christians will know it is a paraphrase of 2 Timothy 4:7 in the New Testament, where Paul says: "I have fought the good fight, I have finished the race, I have kept the faith." Paul, of course, is referring to Christian faith, not faith in America.

This is the first instance in the presidential speeches we have considered of what I would call a "code word" for a special audience. Listeners, who believe America was founded as a Christian nation, were delighted to hear that despite rulings by the Supreme Court that exclude organized prayer from public schools and allow abortion, their president shared their view of the American dream as a Christian dream. At the same time, those unfamiliar with the New Testament would hear words about fighting the good fight and keeping the faith as simply a commitment to the more mainstream understanding of the American dream, which recognizes God’s hand in the destiny of this land but requires what Jefferson called "separation of church and state."

Reagan’s 1986 state of the union speech is sprinkled with imagery from our tradition of civil religion. He speaks of the "undying faith" among Americans "that in this Nation under God the future will be ours, for the future belongs to the free." He refers twice to the "American Dream," says Americans "will defend the unalienable rights of all God's children to follow their dreams," and concludes with the familiar words, "God bless you and God bless America."

Yet, by again advocating that prayers be said in the public schools, Reagan tries to stretch the traditional ambit of civil religion. He suggests that such prayer would simply "give back to our children their lost right to acknowledge God in their classrooms." In addition, he argues that legalized abortion "is a wound in our national conscience," and that "America will never be whole as long as the right to life granted by our Creator is denied to the unborn." Reagan, not Carter, is the first president to embrace the evangelical Christian agenda.

In this address Reagan also uses a few words or allusions that would resonate especially with Christian listeners. He refers to "the plight of the poor" as "the sinful waste of human spirit." He says of a guest church musician: "With God as your composer, Tyrone, your music will be the music of angels." He commends a young man for helping the homeless by saying, "yours is the living spirit of brotherly love." And he concludes by challenging Americans "to create our world of tomorrow in faith, in unity, and in love," which would remind those who know the New Testament of the phrase "faith, hope and love" in 1 Corinthians 13:13.

None of these allusions communicate meanings to a biblically literate audience that are actually different than the general self-evident meaning of the words themselves. But Reagan’s praise for particular Christians, who model the evangelical virtues and political positions that he is endorsing, is a public relations move that we will see his successors repeat. This shift away from the traditional language of civil religion to endorsing individuals, who model a certain kind of Christian witness, will become central to the presidential addresses of George W. Bush.

In Reagan’s 1987 state of the union address he speaks of the "American spirit." He expresses concern about "the spiritual core of our national being," and asserts "Our nation could not have been conceived without divine help." Once again he attempts to expand the moral and spiritual boundaries of American civil religion. He asks, "Why is it that we can build a nation with our prayers but we can't use a schoolroom for voluntary prayer?" He answers by urging Congress to "be remembered as the one that ended the expulsion of God from America's classrooms."

Reagan returns to these themes in his 1988 state of the union address. He invokes "our Judeo-Christian tradition" and refers to America, as others before him have, as a "shining city on a hill" (Mt. 5:14). This is standard civil religion imagery. However, he notes, Congress and the Supreme Court begin their sessions with "an acknowledgment of the Supreme Being," but "we are denied the right to set aside in our schools a moment each day for those who wish to pray." Therefore, he argues, "Congress should pass our school prayer amendment." He concludes his last state of the union address by praying to God and saying to the American people, "God bless you."

If Carter was America’s first openly evangelical president in recent times, Reagan is the first president to advocate for an evangelical Christian understanding of the American dream. He demands that the courts allow prayers to be said in the public schools, and he argues that abortion violates the will of God as known by Christian culture and expressed in law until the middle of the twentieth century. Reagan also praises particular church leaders, and refers often to passages from the New Testament. Finally, Reagan is the first president we have reviewed to use code words that will appeal to evangelical Christians, but will not be understood in this same way by others.

George Bush

After asking his listeners to bow their heads, George Bush begins his inaugural address in 1989 by praying: "Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love. Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely. Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: ‘Use power to help people.’ For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name. There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people. Help us to remember it, Lord. Amen." This is the longest and most explicit prayer given by a president since Richard Nixon in either an inaugural or state of the union address.

Bush continues, "I take as my guide the hope of a saint: In crucial things, unity; in important things, diversity; in all things, generosity." I don’t know the saint to whom he is referring, but the meaning accords with the American tradition of civil religion. Nonetheless, the use of the word "saint" is striking. Perhaps this is a "code word" for certain listeners. The President refers to "souls" twice in this address, uses once the biblical word "stewardship," and after admitting "our flaws are endless" affirms that "God's love is truly boundless." He ends with the benediction, "God bless you and God bless the United States of America."

Also in his 1989 state of the union speech Bush quotes Benjamin Franklin as saying: "If a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without His notice, can a great nation rise without His aid?" This is, of course, the familiar theme in American civil religion of God’s providence. Yet, George Bush gives it his own interpretation. Just before this quote he affirms: "I believe that family and faith represent the moral compass of the Nation." And immediately after the Franklin quote he says: "And I believe in giving people the power to make their own lives better through growth and opportunity. And together, let's put power in the hands of people."

By giving this context to Franklin’s statement, Bush shifts the emphasis from God’s providence to the importance of individual freedom manifested through family and faith. This theme, along with the emphasis that government should put power in the hands of people, will also be central in the presidential addresses of his son, George W. Bush.

In his 1989 speech Bush announced "a new program called YES, for Youth Entering Service to America." His appeal to young people is rich in religious language: "Your calling is a high one: to be the defenders of freedom and the guarantors of liberty. And I want you to know that this nation is grateful for your service." Urging citizens to defend freedom and serve their country are central themes in American civil religion, but the word "calling" also has a strong religious meaning for Christians. I suspect this is a code word for evangelicals, although the general listener can understanding the word simply as meaning challenge or responsibility.

Similarly, when Bush says, "We Americans have only begun our mission of goodness and greatness," I think the word "mission" is also a code word, because it is generally understood as referring to the missionary movement of twentieth century evangelical Protestantism. (George W. Bush will also use both the images of "calling" and "mission" in his presidential speeches.) After warning the "timid souls," who are wary of such a call to service, Bush concludes his 1989 inaugural address with the familiar words, "God bless you, and God bless America."

In his state of the union address in 1990 Bush quotes a Czech worker, who in celebrating the end of the Cold War referred to the American Declaration of Independence to affirm the inalienable rights shared by all people. This statement in the Declaration of Independence is the cornerstone of American civil religion, for it not only affirms self-evident truths and fundamental rights, which are claimed to justify the American rebellion, but also attributes these to "our Creator." The familiar phrase "God bless" appears three times in this state of the union speech, and the president also refers to "one nation under God." He again uses an image from his 1989 speech in affirming that, "Our anchor has always been faith and family."

The only religious reference in the 1991 state of the union speech is the concluding line: "May God bless the United States of America." But in his speech the following year Bush says, "By the grace of God, America won the cold war." The phrase "grace of God" is peculiarly Christian. More common in presidential religious language are references to the Almighty or the providence of God. Similarly, before ending with a familiar phrase, "God bless you, and God bless our beloved country," George Bush salutes America, as "a rising nation, the once and future miracle that is still, this night, the hope of the world." For Christians, words like "rising" and "miracle" refer to the risen Christ, who is proclaimed as the only hope for the salvation of the world.

Against, these words can be read without particular Christian connotations, and probably were understood in this way by most listeners. But these words evoke associations of meaning for Christians that push beyond the language of American civil religion. In his major presidential statements Bush seems to be telling his Christian supporters, who believe the Christian mission of America is at risk because of secular and liberal forces in our society, that he is with them.

Bill Clinton

In his 1993 inaugural address Bill Clinton urges change in America by using an image from our tradition of civil religion: "When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change." He ends his address with the common phrase, "God bless you." But he stretches our traditional civil language by referring to the preservation of American ideals as "our mission," and his conclusion refers to the New Testament without identifying it. After urging "faith and discipline," he quotes from the New Testament letter by the apostle Paul to the Galatians (6:9): "And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not." His attempt to appeal to the Bible-knowing Christians among his listeners seems obvious.

The penultimate paragraph of his first inaugural is filled with biblical imagery from the Old Testament of the Bible: "From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley. We have heard the trumpets. We have changed the guard. And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call." Moses is most prominent among those who went up a mountain to receive God’s word and blessing, but later prophets did so as well, among them Jesus, who in the gospel of Matthew delivers the famous Sermon on the Mount, before returning to serve in the valley of Galilee.

Here Clinton seems to follow in the footsteps of George Bush by using the images of being "called" and of America’s "mission" as though they belong to the mainstream of our civil religion, although this is not the case. These are loaded terms, in a world where members of other religious traditions have long felt attacked and oppressed by Christians, who in pursuing their "calling" to "mission" condemned the religious beliefs of all those not Christian. We cannot know Clinton’s motives, but I suspect he is using these "code words" in the hope of appealing to evangelical Christians in a way that will not cost him support among the secular and liberal voters who were essential for his election.

At his second inaugural Clinton used the image of America’s promise throughout his address. "Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land," he begins, "let us set our sights upon a land of new promise." He will use the phrase "land of new promise" three more times, once with the word "blessed," and he will also refer to our "beloved land." Images of a promised land evoke, of course, not only the Israelite experience related in the Book of Exodus in the Bible, but also the American pilgrimage and conquest that led to the founding of the United States. Clinton also twice speaks of a "new spirit" in America, and he affirms the "generous spirit" of Americans and the "decency of the human spirit." He quotes the late Cardinal Bernardin, but to affirm prudential wisdom rather than religious zeal. In these comments his language is fully within the tradition of civil religion, as he speaks of "the blessings of liberty," urges "faith and courage," and implores God to bless America.

Clinton’s state of the union address in 1993 is almost devoid of religious language, but contains this statement: "I believe we will find our new direction in the basic values that brought us here: opportunity, individual responsibility, community, work, family, and faith." The last two values, family and faith, repeat an emphasis in the presidential speeches of George Bush, which will reappear in the speeches of George W. Bush. Clinton concludes this address with the common benediction, "May God bless America." In his 1994 state of the union address Clinton uses religious images only four times. He remembers Tip O’Neill, the deceased former Speak of the House, and says he is with them in "the Lord's Gallery." He refers once to "the American Dream," and he concludes by asking for God’s help, and then praying, "God bless America."

His 1995 state of the union address, however, is filled with religious imagery. Clinton begins by saying, "Again we are here in the sanctuary of democracy," using a word, sanctuary, which identifies the space where Christians worship in a church, to refer to the Chamber where Congress meets. Then he quotes from the American Declaration of Independence to restate the founding commitment of America to inalienable rights and the pursuit of happiness. Moreover, in his speech he uses the phrase "New Covenant" at least ten times to evoke the sense of renewing the promise of America. The word "covenant" is a biblical word that to the best of my knowledge has not been used in inaugural or state of the union addresses since the time of Richard Nixon. Clinton’s choice of the phrase "new covenant" (in contrast to the "old covenant" of the Jews) would be understood by many Christians as a reference to the "New Testament."

It is perhaps less surprising, therefore, that this state of the union also contains the following statement: "I would like to say a special word to our religious leaders. You know, I'm proud of the fact the United States has more houses of worship per capita than any country in the world. These people who lead our houses of worship can ignite their congregations to carry their faith into action; can reach out to all of our children, to all of the people in distress, to those who have been savaged by the breakdown of all we hold dear. Because so much of what we've done must come from the inside out, and our religious leaders and their congregations can make all the difference. They have a role in the New Covenant as well."

Here Clinton is recognizing religious leaders for contributing to American society by pursuing what George W. Bush will soon characterize as "faith-based initiatives." It is worth quoting this part of Clinton’s 1995 state of the union at length.

"The next two folks I've had the honor of meeting and getting to know a little bit, the Reverend John and the Reverend Diana Cherry of the AME Zion Church in Temple Hills, Maryland. I'd like to ask them to stand. I want to tell you about them. In the early '80s, they left government service and formed a church in a small living room in a small house. Today that church has 17,000 members. It is one of the three or four biggest churches in the entire United States. It grows by 200 a month. They do it together. And the special focus of their ministry is keeping families together."

"Two things they did make a big impression on me. I visited their church once, and I learned they were building a new sanctuary closer to the Washington, D.C. line in a higher crime, higher drug rate area because they thought it was part of their ministry to change the lives of the people who needed them."

"The second thing I want to say is, that once Reverend Cherry was at a meeting at the White House with some other religious leaders, and he left early to go back to his church to minister to 150 couples that he had brought back to his church from all over America to convince them to come back together, to save their marriages, and to raise their kids. This is the kind of work that citizens are doing in America. We need more of it, and it ought to be lifted up and supported."

Clinton ends his speech with standard civil religion language. "I believe every person in this country still believes that we are created equal, and given by our Creator, the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness…Thank you, and God bless you all." Yet, in this 1995 state of the union speech he has stepped far outside the mainstream of our civil religion language by recognizing the leadership of religious individuals, by praising the work of their religious institutions, and by encouraging not only gratitude but also support for such initiatives.

Clinton does not call for government funding of religious organizations, an appeal that will be made during the presidency of George W. Bush. But Clinton has praised church leaders who left government service (and even a meeting at the White House) in order to perform service as pastors, which Clinton seems to say is more important than the work of government. We may need to be reminded that this is a state of the union address! Throughout his presidency Clinton defends formally the separation of church and state, but here he symbolizes for those with "ears to hear and eyes to see," as the New Testament says, the idea that government ought to support what George W. Bush will soon call "faith-based initiatives."

In 1996 Clinton’s state of the union address returns to the familiar terrain of American civil religion. He uses the phrase "the American dream" once, refers to the "God-given capacities" of our children, and closes with the familiar phrase, "God bless you and God bless the United States of America." He also includes, in a list of public institutions he praises for helping our children, a reference to "our churches and synagogues." But he does not identify and then praise any particular religious institution or leader, as in did in his 1995 state of the union speech.

In 1997, however, he begins his state of the union speech by calling for "a national crusade for education standards." He also says, "Just a few days before my second Inauguration, one of the country's best known pastors, Reverend Robert Schuller, suggested that I read Isaiah 58:12. Here's what it says: ‘Thou shalt raise up the foundations of many generations, and thou shalt be called, the repairer of the breach, the restorer of paths to dwell in.’ I placed my hand on that verse when I took the oath of office, on behalf of all Americans. For no matter what our differences -- in our faiths, our backgrounds, our politics -- we must all be repairers of the breach." The image from Isaiah accords with American civil religion, but referring to a pastor by name is uncommon in this tradition. Surprisingly, however, Clinton has no other religious language in this speech except the familiar ending, "God bless you and God bless America."

In 1998 the religious language of his state of the union is again minimal and mainstream. He speaks of immigrants coming here to pursue "their American dreams," and he reiterates "the defining American value ― the ideal heard round the world that we are all created equal.” He urges that we “ratify the ethical consensus of the scientific and religious communities, and ban the cloning of human beings.” He wishes John Glenn “Godspeed” on his flight into space, and he concludes with "God bless you, and God bless the United States."

Clinton’s state of the union address in 1999 has only a single sentence with religious imagery, and it falls well within the ambit of American civil religion: "Let us lift our eyes as one nation, and from the mountaintop of this American Century, look ahead to the next one -- asking God's blessing on our endeavors and on our beloved country." In his speech in 2000 he again uses a mountaintop image to mark the beginning of a new millennium. He also reaffirms the American goal to be "one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all." In addition, he says that "modern science has confirmed what ancient faiths have always taught: the most important fact of life is our common humanity." And he concludes his last state of the union speech with the words he has frequently used before: "God bless you, and God bless America."

George W. Bush

George W. Bush uses the language of American civil religion, but also religious imagery that is more personal and evangelical. In his inaugural address he refers to "the American promise," to "America’s faith in freedom and democracy," and to "our democratic faith." He also affirms that "we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image" and we live in a "time of blessing." He says, "We are not this story’s author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another." He concludes with the familiar words, "God bless you all, and God bless America."

He says in this inaugural address, "we must live up to the calling we share" to be civil, and he names among our dangers "aggression and bad faith." The terms "calling" and "bad faith" begin to tug at the boundaries of civil religion, as they have more parochial meanings. But Bush is most explicitly evangelical in emphasizing personal piety through prayer and acts of conscience and service. He refers to the story of the Good Samaritan, without naming the parable as such, to illustrate such piety and individual service. Then he pledges that our nation will not walk by the wounded traveler. "America, at its best," he says, "is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected." Yes, of course. But surely government has a significant responsibility, and one would expect the president to be concerned about that. Yet, Bush seems to have little faith in government for he claims, "The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone."

Bush also explicitly refers to religious institutions in a way that is uncommon in presidential addresses. "Some needs and hurts," he says, "are so deep they will only respond to a mentor’s touch or a pastor’s prayer." This may well be true, but would not seem to be the business of government. Yet, the president argues: "Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws."

Bush walks briskly through the door that Clinton opened, by praising religious institutions and individual pastors, to launch his program of government support for the service activities of religious institutions. He praises "the spirit of citizenship," and affirms: "When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it." Clearly, private efforts, especially religious initiatives, are more important for this president than even the best and most necessary government programs.

Most striking in this address is his quote from a letter written by the Virginia statesman John Page to Thomas Jefferson after the Declaration of Independence was signed: "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?" The first sentence comes from the Book of Ecclesiastes 9:11 in the Old Testament of the Bible, and the second sentence probably refers to Nahum 1:3, which is also in the Old Testament. Although the general meaning of Page’s quote is that God is in charge of history, which is very much a theme of American civil religion, the reference to Nahum would evoke other meanings for evangelicals. For the first part of Nahum proclaims the judgment of the earth by a jealous and avenging God. Bush refers at the end of his address once more to this prophetic and apocalyptic passage: "And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm."

This speech, of course, was given well before the destruction of the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001, or "9/11" as that event is often identified today, but the fact that the passage from Ecclesiastes is from chapter 9 verse 11 has not gone unnoticed by some who do not distinguish prophecy from conspiracy.

The 2002 state of the union address is again rooted in the language of American civil religion. Here the challenge is to defeat evil, and Bush tells us we will do this by naming it, confronting it, and overcoming it with greater good. He might have quoted from the New Testament, for this the message of the gospel, but he does not. His language remains within the language of civil religion, but offers clues with key words that imply a somewhat different message. His speech ends with the benediction, "May God bless you," which is standard civil religion. But before he ends, he uses the word "call" twice to urge Americans to donate their personal time and energy to America. He says, "we've been called to a unique role in human events" at a time of danger for America and the world.

Moreover, in defending "freedom and dignity" from "the axis of evil," he says we must be "steadfast" in our convictions. The word "steadfast" is a biblical word used in the Old Testament to express the steadfast love of God. Language about being called, confronting evil, and being steadfast extends beyond American civil religion and may best be understood as referring to God’s saving act for all people through the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus Christ.

The 2003 state of the union concludes with an affirmation that falls well within the traditional framework of democratic faith. "Americans are a free people, who know that freedom is the right of every person and the future of every nation. The liberty we prize is not America's gift to the world, it is God's gift to humanity. We Americans have faith in ourselves, but not in ourselves alone. We do not know ― we do not claim to know all the ways of Providence, yet we can trust in them, placing our confidence in the loving God behind all of life, and all of history. May He guide us now. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.”

The religious references earlier in this speech, however, are quite different. Consider the third paragraph of the speech: "In all these days of promise and days of reckoning, we can be confident. In a whirlwind of change and hope and peril, our faith is sure, our resolve is firm, and our union is strong." Referring to days of reckoning and a whirlwind might be taken generally to mean hard and stormy times, but for evangelicals these images evoke teachings about the end of time and the day of the Lord. Moreover, the "whirlwind" metaphor reminds us of the quote that Bush used in his inaugural address, when he spoke of "the angel in the whirlwind." And this seems to refer to Nahum 1:3, a passage of prophecy that concerns the day of reckoning when God will deliver an apocalyptic judgment on all the nations.

After urging tax cuts, improvement in our present health insurance system, and steps to lead to energy independence, Bush encourages "acts of compassion that can transform America, one heart and one soul at a time." He proclaims his firm belief that "there's power, wonder working power, in the goodness and idealism and faith of the American people." Even most Christians might not hear this language as particularly religious, but as an affirmation of American civil religion. Yet, this is code language for evangelicals, who sing a communion hymn with the phrase, "there's power, wonder working power in the blood of the lamb."

Bush urges Congress to pass his "faith-based initiative and the Citizen Service Act," in order to assist the people in their "good works." Faith leading to good works might remind Christians, who know their Bible, of James 2:26 in the New Testament, which says: "For just as the body without the spirit is dead, so faith without works is also dead."

Among the good works the president recommends for government support are: "visiting prisoners" (a teaching attributed to Jesus in the New Testament) and "a $450-million initiative to bring mentors to more than a million disadvantaged junior high students and children of prisoners." Bush praises those involved in such ministries: "Our nation is blessed with recovery programs that do amazing work. One of them is found at the Healing Place Church in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. A man in the program said, ‘God does miracles in people's lives, and you never think it could be you.’ Tonight, let us bring to all Americans who struggle with drug addiction this message of hope: The miracle of recovery is possible, and it could be you."

We have seen language like this only once before in a state of the union address, when Clinton referred to pastors in a ministry near Washington, DC. Clinton urged "support" for such work, but did not ask for government financing. Now Bush argues that the proper role of government is to assist religious institutions, which provide personal guidance that offers not simply healing but even miracle cures. This religious language is unprecedented in a presidential address, not only because it goes far beyond the bounds of American civil religion, but because it argues that funding personal and individual religious service is what the federal government should do.

Bush returns to the mainstream of civil religion with this statement: "Our founders dedicated this country to the cause of human dignity, the rights of every person, and the possibilities of every life. This conviction leads us into the world to help the afflicted, and defend the peace, and confound the designs of evil men."

Yet, his use of the word "afflicted" and the designation of our enemies as "evil men" suggest double meanings. For "afflicted" is the word used by the prophet Isaiah in the Old Testament to refer to the suffering servant (Is. 53:7), who Christians understand as Jesus Christ, and the word "evil" in the New Testament is associated with the Devil, who battles against the reign of Christ. The Lord’s Prayer, which is the most well known prayer for all sorts of Christians, contains the phrase, "and deliver us from evil," which in the original Greek of the New Testament actually means "from the evil one." (Mt. 6:13, New Revised Standard Version) For many Christian listeners, the meaning will not be missed: the president’s leadership is an answer to our prayers.

Bush asks us to remember that "our calling as a blessed country is to make this world better," and so uses once again the image of calling that is so central to evangelical faith. Bush also asserts, "we are called to defend the safety of our people, and the hopes of all mankind," and that "this call of history has come to the right country." The president devotes most of the rest of his speech to justifying an attack on Iraq, because of its threat to American security and because Saddam Hussein is evil. But he promises that, "as we and our coalition partners are doing in Afghanistan, we will bring to the Iraqi people food and medicines and supplies ― and freedom.” Feeding the hungry and providing medical care, which are central to the Christian ministry of service, are mentioned first as the “good works” to be accomplished by the war in Iraq. Of course, the president says, the war will also attain the more traditional purpose of American government by bringing freedom to those who are oppressed.

Similarly, the 2004 state of the union is a remarkably religious speech. It opens with the statement, "America this evening is a nation called to great responsibilities. And we are rising to meet them." Once again, we see ambiguous language that can be read more generally within the tradition of American civil religion, or as containing code words such as "called" and "rising" that evoke biblical images with specific Christian interpretations. In the face of terrorist threats, the president says, "We refuse to live in the shadow of this ultimate danger." The use of the word "shadow" would reminds many Christians of Psalm 23 and the passage, "though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I will fear no evil, for Thou art with me." Bush reinforces this image by referring to killers attacking our troops in Iraq "from the shadows."

He then returns to standard civil religion imagery by affirming "that God has planted in every human heart the desire to live in freedom." But the ambiguity of his meaning continues, as he says, "America is a nation with a mission, and that mission comes from our most basic beliefs." These beliefs concern, he explains, "a peace founded upon the dignity and rights of every man and woman." We will act with allies, of course, but he reminds us that for America this is "our special calling." These references to our "mission" and "calling" convey meanings to Christians concerning their explicit convictions as Christians, meanings which are more parochial than civil, and yet are heard by more secular listeners as simply images connoting dedication and responsibility to maintaining fundamental American values.

Bush continues: "some things endure ― courage and compassion, reverence and integrity, respect for differences of faith and race. The values we try to live by never change. And they are instilled in us by fundamental institutions, such as families and schools and religious congregations. These institutions, these unseen pillars of civilization, must remain strong in America, and we will defend them." This is his father’s theme of faith and family, but unlike his father George W. Bush will claim government should give financial support to such fundamental institutions including religious congregations. This leads him to argue that marriage is between a man and a woman, and that if some American judges refuse to abide by this moral and spiritual truth, a constitutional amendment will be necessary. "Our nation," he says, "must defend the sanctity of marriage."

He links this position to mainstream civil religion by asserting, "The same moral tradition that defines marriage also teaches that each individual has dignity and value in God's sight." And this launches his argument on behalf of government support for religious institutions. "It's also important to strengthen our communities by unleashing the compassion of America's religious institutions. Religious charities of every creed are doing some of the most vital work in our country ― mentoring children, feeding the hungry, taking the hand of the lonely. Yet government has often denied social service grants and contracts to these groups, just because they have a cross or a Star of David or a crescent on the wall. By executive order, I have opened billions of dollars in grant money to competition that includes faith-based charities. Tonight I ask you to codify this into law, so people of faith can know that the law will never discriminate against them again."

This is a remarkable paragraph. Bush affirms the dignity of each person, and the need to protect this dignity. He asserts that religious communities are doing this, and that denying them federal funds to support these social services is a form of discrimination. Courts, the president infers, have erred in ruling that the Constitution prohibits government funding for service programs conducted by religious communities. So, by executive order, Bush is permitting faith-based charities to compete for federal funds. Finally, he chastises Congress for not enacting legislation that would make support for the service work of religious institutions a regular part of the funding process of the government.

This is all said as though it is obvious, as though it simply continues the American tradition, as though it does not constitute a dramatic departure from a long tradition of keeping government separate from religious belief and practice. It is said as a matter of fact, as though there is clear evidence that "people of faith" have suffered from discrimination by their government. In the tradition of American civil religion presidents have often expressed faith in the American dream and encouraged Americans to keep faith with the ideals of the founding documents of this country, including its Constitution. Here George W. Bush redefines the American dream by ordering government support for good works done by people of faith and their religious institutions.

Therefore, Bush says, "I propose a four-year, $300 million prisoner re-entry initiative to expand job training and placement services, to provide transitional housing, and to help newly released prisoners get mentoring, including from faith-based groups. America is the land of second chance, and when the gates of the prison open, the path ahead should lead to a better life." Bush accepts that it is necessary for government to lock up criminals, but he believes it is more important for government to fund faith-based programs that help released prisoners become good citizens.

He concludes by admitting the tests of the past year. "In grief," he affirms, "we have found the grace to go on." The use of "grace" rather than "courage" or "strength" is a code word for his evangelical listeners. Having caught their attention, he says, "And having come this far, we sense that we live in a time set apart." This is an ambiguous statement, but for evangelicals awaiting the end of time, this language rings with special significance.

Bush ends his speech with the prayer used so often by presidents, "May God continue to bless America." But before concluding, he says: "My fellow citizens, we now move forward, with confidence and faith. Our nation is strong and steadfast. The cause we serve is right, because it is the cause of all mankind. The momentum of freedom in our world is unmistakable ― and it is not carried forward by our power alone. We can trust in that greater power who guides the unfolding of the years. And in all that is to come, we can know that His purposes are just and true."

This can be read simply as affirming that God’s providence will guide us through difficult times, but the statement also contains code words for evangelical listeners. The God we are to trust is not described simply as steering us safely through stormy waters, but as the "power who guides the unfolding of the years." This image reminds those, who know the biblical books of Daniel and the Revelation to John, that God has ordained the future. Evangelicals read these apocalyptic books as teaching that the future is predestined, because it is written down in a heavenly book. Who will be saved, they believe, and who will be left behind has already been determined.

The president affirms "in all that is to come" God will be "just and true." The first phrase again carries apocalyptic weight by evoking a sense that what is to come been foretold. In this context the word "just" is a code word for God’s judgment of the nations. This justice that will mean blessings for those who have been charitable by feeding the hungry, helping the injured stranger, and caring for the prisoners, as well as severe punishments for those who have not. The word "true" is a code word for the salvation delivered by Jesus Christ at his second coming, after the desolation of the world, for all those with faith in Jesus Christ as Lord and Savior.

Conclusions

Most of the inaugural and state of the union addresses we have considered contain images from American civil religion. Some include quotes from the Bible, and more have allusions to scripture. Beginning with Ronald Reagan, however, these presidential addresses have also included references to specific religious persons, institutions, and issues. In addition, Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Bill Clinton, and now George W. Bush have used ambiguous language with a special, more parochial, meaning for evangelicals.

We cannot know their motives, but it is safe to assume that these presidents, and those who wrote their speeches, were trying to appeal to their listeners for support. Surely, the language used in these speeches was carefully considered. Therefore, the new religious material in the speeches of Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush may best be understood not as reflecting personal quirks or spiritual passions, but as strategic attempts to ensure support from evangelical Americans, who have obviously become a more significant constituency among voters.

It seems equally clear that the use of ambiguous religious language in the presidential addresses of the last four presidents has been intentional. These presidents have used what I have called "code words" with special meanings for evangelicals so other Americans, who might not appreciate this appeal to evangelicals, would hear in these speeches only the invocation of traditional themes from American civil religion. This is not necessarily improper, but it is certainly devious to speak with such a "forked tongue." Moreover, the use of ambiguous religious language with different meanings for groups within American society can hardly help unite citizens around a common purpose, which is probably the only moral and spiritual justification, if there is any justification, for what we have called civil religion.

These presidential speeches reveal the particular religious concerns of these last four presidents. Ronald Reagan tried to expand the boundaries of acceptable religious, public language by attacking decisions by the Supreme Court that limit prayers in school to private prayer and permit abortion. George Bush continued this attack on constitutional government by emphasizing family and faith more than just and responsible government. Clinton certainly valued government action, but inexplicably undermined the role of government by highlighting Christian pastors, who left government jobs and government meetings to better serve those in need.

It is George W. Bush, however, who has stretched the American language of civil religion beyond its breaking point. He has attacked court decisions and called for constitutional amendments to ensure that the federal government enforces certain Christian beliefs about the family. He has not only emphasized personal faith and the ministries of Christian pastors, but also has issued an executive order that requires federal agencies to include religious groups among the charities that receive funds to provide human services.

Moreover, Bush has not only spoken of God’s providence, which is central to the American tradition of civil religion, but has used his presidential speeches to endorse key affirmations of evangelical Christian faith. Bush has cast traditional affirmations of God’s guidance in apocalyptic terms, identifying America as God’s chosen people and its leadership with the final judgment over evil by the righteous forces of the risen Christ.

These changes in presidential language are of enormous consequence, for Americans and for the peoples of the world. The tradition of civil religion, which certainly has helped to preserve constitutional government in America during the past two and a half centuries, has been stretched beyond the breaking point. Now that we see more clearly what is happening, we must respond with our voices and our votes.

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1 in Faith: A Christian Bible Study † Copyright © 2000 by Robert Traer